Many people often ask me what is the difference between a Greek and a Macedonian, and if Macedonians were Greeks of a different nation. Actually this is the same question that most foreign people with little or a basic -and we all have to admit rich and many times complicated - historical knowledge have. Basically this is the exact lack of knowledge over the Greek history which the propaganda of fyrom uses, in order to create a huge confusion and chaos in people’s minds between the term ”Macedonians” and ”Greeks.”

This article will not proceed further in whether Macedonians were Greeks or not, because as it has already been mentioned and proved thousands of times not only from this blog, but from every valid historical ancient and modern source, that Macedonians were and are Greeks! This article aims in giving a very plain but essential explanation related to the way the fyromians used the confusion and lack of historic details of foreign people, -even the lack of knowledge of the Greek language.- in the names of the Kingdoms of the Greek Cities and how Greeks were calling each other and continue to call until today, according to their heritage, descent and lineage.

Plain and simple for every foreign friend. Greece was divided in Greek City States, all of them under the definition of the Greek nation according to Herodotus «όμοαιμον, ομόγλωσσον, ομόθρησκον, ομότροπον» (omemon – same blood, omoglosson – same language, omothriskon – same religion, omotropon – same ways, behaviour.), but with any Greek City State maintaining it’s independent leadership and rulers, with their own alliances and their own civil wars in the Greek region. From Homer up to Herodotus who also mentions that ” το Ελληνικόν γλώσση αιεί τη αυτή διαχράται ” (a general translation as ”the Greek language has always been spoken”) and in the pass of time, in this long Greek history, the Greeks were calling themselves with a variety of names. (Ex. Hellenes, Achaeans, Ionians, Grecians, etc. ) they also had their personal introduction beyond their father’s names, who preserves the tendency for a Greek to distinguish himself with pride for the City he comes from. This localism is something we continue to have as Greeks until today.

Ancient Greeks after all never had flags, but they had symbols:

Athenians had the owl:

Corinthians had the Pegasus:

Spartans had the Λ which stated their origin: ΛΑΚΕΔΑΙΜΟΝΙΟΙ (Lacedemonians)

And of course Macedonians had the Star of Vergina:

So this is where we reach the word ”macedonian” and the fyromian’s trick. The two maps below shows the major Greek City States of antiquity and the third one, the modern Greek Provinces which maintained the same names and the same political map’s distinction.

Every Greek then and every Greek today, continue to introduce to each other with their family name and the place they live or the place they descend from. When a Greek wanted back then or wants until today to introduce himself according to their birthplace and local heritage, mentions that he is for example Thessalian from the town of Trikala, or Volos, of that he is a Thracian from Alexandroupolis, or Kavala, or that he is a Cretan from Chania or Heraklion, or that he is Macedonian from Kilkis or Thessaloniki, or that he is a Peloponnesian from Sparta. A very specific and simple introduction which of course foreigners ignore, as it is natural to ignore the Greek language and habits that the Greeks like any other nation, have with each other.

A very bright example of that is the words of Alexander:

The speech of Alexander I, when he was admitted to the Olympic games

“Men of Athens…
Had I not greatly at heart the common welfare of Hellas I should not have come to tell you; but I am myself Hellene by descent, and I would not willingly see Hellas exchange freedom for slavery….

If you prosper in this war, forget not to do something for my freedom; consider the risk I have run, out of zeal for the Hellenic cause, to acquaint you with what Mardonius intends, and to save you from being surprised by the barbarians.

I am Alexander of Macedon.”

(Herodotus, The Histories, 9.45)

Really interesting isn’t it?

So the fyromian propaganda based an entire falsification in taking advantage of people’s lack of knowledge, in creating step by step the impression that the Macedonians were something ”different”, something ”distant” from the rest of the Greeks, who after all were not conquered from Phillip, but agreed in an alliance with him in uniting all the Greeks under his guidance, against Persia, after the battle of Chaeronia, which was not the first civil war from the many civil conflicts, the Greek Cities had between them.

Ancient writers about Macedonia - Hippolytus of Rome

One text from Hippolytus_of_Rome, author of the first centuries AC and…a saint.

Its translation in English


Then, after the lioness, he sees a “second beast like a bear,” and that denoted the Persians.

For after the Babylonians, the Persians held the sovereign power And in saving that there were “three ribs in the mouth of it,” he pointed to three nations, viz., the Persians, and the Medes, and the Babylonians; which were also represented on the image by the silver after the gold. Then (there was) “the third beast, a leopard,” which meant the Greeks.

For after the Persians, Alexander of Macedon obtained the sovereign power on subverting Darius, as is also shown by the brass on the image. And in saying that it had “four wings of a fowl,” he taught us most clearly how the kingdom of Alexander was partitioned. For in speaking of “four heads,” he made mention of four kings, viz., those who arose out of that (kingdom).

For Alexander, when dying, partitioned out his kingdom into four divisions

28. The golden head of the image and the lioness denoted the Babylonians; the shoulders and arms of silver, and the bear, represented the Persians and Medes; the belly and thighs of brass, and the leopard, meant the Greeks, who held the sovereignty from Alexander’s time; the legs of iron, and the beast dreadful and terrible, expressed the Romans, who hold the sovereignty at present;

Apr 01 2008

Ancient writers about Macedonia - John Chrysostomus

From Ioannis Chrysostomos about Daniel’s fragment in page 893.

“Θα καταλάβετε καλύτερα αν ακούσετε αυτό το όραμα που μας διηγήθηκε παραβολικά ο προφήτης αποκαλώντας κριό τον βασιλέα των Περσών Δαρείο, τράγο τον βασιλέα των Ελλήνων, εννοώ τον Αλέξανδρο τον Μακεδόνα, τέσσερα κέρατα τους διαδόχους του και τελευταίο κέρατο τον Αντίοχο. ”

Translation: “You will understand better if you hear this vision which was narrated parabolically by the Prophet, by calling ram the Persian king Darius, billy-goat the King of Greeks i mean Alexander the Macedonian, 4 horns his successors and last horn Antiochos“

Medieval sources about Macedonia - Nicholas Kabasilas Chamaetos

Taken from the ‘Encomium of St Demetrios’ written by the well-known fourteenth-century theologian Nicholas Kabasilas Chamaetos.

The city [Thessalonike] has many adronments bu the most important one and that which affords in the greatest distinction is its rhetorical force, a characteristic that is admired [there] more than in other cities. This city has such a special relationship with Hellenic speech and is so rich in this grace that on the one hand it is sufficient to secure its own happiness but in addition this city can also impart [this grace] to other cities, transplanting words like colonies founded by the rulers of ancient Athens. Consequently there is none, i think, of all the Hellenes in our empire who does not call this city his ancestor and the mother of his Muses, since by claiming such descent he appears respectable”

Ancient writers about Macedonia - Eusebius of Caesarea

Eusebius of Caesarea (c 263 – 339?[1])(often called Eusebius Pamphili, “Eusebius [the friend] of Pamphilus”) became the bishop of Caesarea in Palaestina c 314. He is often referred to as the Father of Church History because of his work in recording the history of the early Christian church, especially Chronicle and Ecclesiastical History. An earlier version of church history by Hegesippus, that he referred to, has not survived.

What this men write?

“Toiayti de tis Makedonon igemonia,Ellinon onton kai tin glotta logikoteron”

Its translation:
“This hegemony of Macedonians, GREEKS being and their language general”

Plutarch and Greekness of Macedonians

Plutarch in Alexander’s ‘Bios’ signifies the Greekness of Alexander and Macedonians. In reality even the few references to the gradual consolidation of Macedonian hegemony in Greek worl where Macedonians are distinguished from the rest of Greeks for clearly practical reasons since they were warring, but wthout an ethnological difference (see Alex 9.2, 13, ch 11, 12.5). Similarly Plutarch in his ‘lives’ uses the same method distinguishing the warring Spartans from the rest of Greeks.

Agesilaos was accused… that he exposed the city <Sparta>
as an accomplice in the crimes against the Hellenes.

<Plutarchos, Agesilaos 26>

Thus, the Hellenes were wondering what the state of the
Lakedaimonian army would be had it been commanded by Age
silaos or… the old Leonidas.

<Plutarchos, Agis 14>

Since the Lakedaimonians made peace with all the Hellenes,
they were in war only with the Thebans…

<Plutarchos, Pelopidas 20>

and the Atheneans from the rest of Greeks.

He soothed the Athenians’ pride by promising them… that the Hellenes would accept their leadership…

<Plutarchos, Themistokles 7>

In reality Plutarch reveals the Greekness of the expeditionary force of Alexander eventhough the main army consists of Macedonians.

- From the side of his father, Alexander is shown clearly as descendant of Heracles and from his mother side a descendant of Aeacos. (Alex 2.1).

- He is educated by Aristotle, uses as his permanent favourite book the Iliad of Homer (see 8,2, 26.2-3) but wishes also other Greek books to be sent to him.

- The inscription of Alexander with the first booty is clear and Macedonians are included as Greeks.

Alexander, son of Philip and the Greeks, except Lakedaimonians - from the barbarians living in Asia

Plutarchos, ‘Alexander’ 16.18

- After conquering Egypt Alexander wishes to found “a great Greek city with many people” (26.4 and Moralia 328B). The Priest of Ammon adresses Alexander in Greek (27.9).

- In Alexanders Live Macedonians are included in the general Greek race and those who are opposed to Persians and the rest of Barbarian tribes of Asia are called greeks and not Macedonians (33.1-4)

- Alexander campaigns in Asia in the name of Greeks in order to revenge the campaign of Xerxes against Greece (see 37.5, 38.4)

- Before Gaugamela, Alexander encourages mainly Greks and from Greeks he is being encouraged too (see 33.1)

- After the final defeat of Darius he chooses 30,00 young Persians and orders those to be educated in Greek (see 47.6)

- In the meantime he wishes to please all the Greeks by abolishing tyrranies, giving autonomy, urging Plateans to rebuild their city, sending booty even to Krotoniates in order to honour the participation of their ancestor Faylos in Medika (34.2-3)

-Finally Alexander’s behaviour to Greeks is entirel different from his behaviour to Barbarians. (see Alex 28.1)

Plutarch considered Macedonians as Greeks by distinguishing them always from Barbarians.

During his absence Barbarians had been overrunning and devastating Macedonia, and at this particular time a large army of Illyrians from the interior had burst in, and in consequence of their ravages the Macedonians summoned Antigonus home.

[Plut. Cleomenes 27.3]

Antigonus marched up and took the city without resistance. He treated the Lacedaemonians humanely, and did not insult or mock the dignity of Sparta, but restored her laws and constitution,21 sacrificed to the gods, and went away on the third day. For he learned that there was a great war in Macedonia and that the Barbarians were ravaging the country. Moreover, his disease was already in full possession of him, having developed into a quick consumption and an acute catarrh. 2 He did not, however, give up, but had strength left for his conflicts at home, so that he won a very great victory, slew a prodigious number of the Barbarians, and died gloriously, having broken a blood-vessel (as it is likely, and as Phylarchus says) by the very shout that he raised on the field of battle. And in the schools of philosophy one used to hear the story that after his victory he shouted for joy, “O happy day!” and then brought up a quantity of blood, fell into a high fever, and so died. So much concerning Antigonus.

[Plut. Cleomenes 30.1-3]

Here Leonnatus the Macedonian, observing that an Italian was intent upon Pyrrhus, and was riding out against him and following him in every movement from place to place, said: “Seest thou, O King, that Barbarian yonder, riding the black horse with white feet? He looks like a man who has some great and terrible design in mind. 9 For he keeps his eyes fixed upon thee, and is intent to reach thee with all his might and main, and pays no heed to anybody else. So be on thy guard against the man.” To him Pyrrhus made reply: “What is fated, O Leonnatus, it is impossible to escape; but with impunity neither he nor any other Italian shall come to close quarters with me.” While they were still conversing thus, the Italian levelled his spear, wheeled his horse, and p399charged upon Pyrrhus. 10 Then at the same instant the Barbarian’s spear smote the king’s horse, and his own horse was smitten by the spear of Leonnatus. Both horses fell, but while Pyrrhus was seized and rescued by his friends, the Italian, fighting to the last, was killed. He was a Frentanian, by race, captain of a troop of horse, Oplax by name

[Plut. Pyrrhus 16.8]

While Philip was making an expedition against Byzantium,13 Alexander, though only sixteen years of age, was left behind as regent in Macedonia and keeper of the royal seal, and during this time he subdued the rebellious Maedi, and after taking their city, drove out the Barbarians, settled there a mixed population, and named the city Alexandropolis

[Plut. Alexander 9.1]

Thus it was that at the age of twenty years Alexander received the kingdom, which was exposed to great jealousies, dire hatreds, and dangers on every hand. 2 For the neighbouring tribes of Barbarians would not tolerate their servitude, and longed for their hereditary kingdoms

[Plut. Alexander 11.3]

The Macedonian counsellors of Alexander had fears of the crisis, and thought he should give up the Greek states altogether and use no more compulsion there, and that he should call the revolting Barbarians back to their allegiance by mild measures and try to arrest the first symptoms of their revolutions

[Plut. Alexander 11.5]

Then, while he was thus engaged with Rhoesaces, Spithridates rode up from one side, raised himself up on his horse, and with all his might came down with a barbarian battle-axe upon Alexander’s head

[Plut. Alexander 16.]

Of the Barbarians, we are told, twenty thousand footmen fell, and twenty-five hundred horsemen.30 But on Alexander’s side, Aristobulus says there were thirty-four dead in all, of whom nine were footmen.

[Plut. Alexander 16.15]

he sent to the Athenians in particular three hundred of the captured shields, and upon the rest of the spoils in general he ordered a most ambitious inscription to be wrought: 18 “Alexander the son of Philip and all the Greeks except the Lacedaemonians from the Barbarians who dwell in Asia.”

[Plut. Alexander 16.18]

He found his Macedonians carrying off the wealth from the camp of the Barbarians, and the wealth was of surpassing abundance, although its owners had come to the battle in light marching order and had left most of their baggage in Damascus

[Plut. Alexander 20.11]

Then for the first time the Macedonians got a taste of gold and silver and women and barbaric luxury of life, and now that they had struck the trail, they were like dogs in their eagerness to pursue and track down the wealth of the Persians.

[Plut. Alexander 24.3]

Two Barbarians who were sitting at the fire he [Alexander] despatched with his dagger, and snatching up a fire-brand, brought it to his own party.

[Plut. Alexander 24.13]

In general, he bore himself haughtily towards the Barbarians, and like one fully persuaded of his divine birth and parentage, but with the Greeks it was within limits and somewhat rarely that he assumed his own divinity.

[Plut. Alexander 28.1]

On this occasion, he made a very long speech to the Thessalians and the other Greeks,63 and when he saw that they encouraged him with shouts to lead them against the Barbarians, he shifted his lance into his left hand, and with his right appealed to the gods, as Callisthenes tells us, praying them, if he was really sprung from Zeus, to defend and strengthen the Greeks

[Plut. Alexander 33.1]

But before the foremost ranks were engaged the Barbarians gave way, and were hotly pursued, Alexander driving the conquered foe towards the centre of their array, where Dareius was

[Plut. Alexander 33.4]

To show its nature and power, the Barbarians sprinkled the street leading to Alexander’s quarters with small quantities of the liquid; then, standing at the farther end of the street, they applied their torches to the moistened spots; for it was now getting dark.

[Plut. Alexander 35.2]

company followed with shouts and revelry and surrounded the palace, while the rest of the Macedonians who learned about it ran thither with torches and were full of joy. 7 For they hoped that the burning and destruction of the palace was the act of one who had fixed his thoughts on home, and did not intend to dwell among Barbarians.

[Plut. Alexander 38.7]

Ancient non-Macedonian Greek cities/tribes enslaving Hellenes

[3] We must believe that the tyrant city that has been established in Hellas has been established against all alike, with a programme of universal empire, part fulfilled, part in contemplation; let us then attack and reduce it, and win future security for ourselves and freedom for the Hellenes who are now enslaved.’

Thuc. 1. 124.3

At last an embassy arrived with the Lacedaemonian ultimatum. The ambassadors were Rhamphias, Melesippus, and Agesander. Not a word was said on any of the old subjects; there was simply this:– ‘Lacedaemon wishes the peace to continue, and there is no reason why it should not, if you would leave the Hellenes independent. Upon this the Athenians held an assembly, and laid the matter before their consideration. It was resolved to deliberate once for all on all their demands, and to give them an answer.

Thuc. 1.139.3

[4] The good wishes of men made greatly for the Lacedaemonians, especially as they proclaimed themselves the liberators of Hellas.

Thuc. 2.8.4

Remember, too, that if your country has the greatest name in all the world, it is because she never bent before disaster; because she has expended more life and effort in war than any other city, and has won for herself a power greater than any hitherto known, the memory of which will descend to the latest posterity; even if now, in obedience to the general law of decay, we should ever be forced to yield, still it will be remembered that we held rule over more Hellenes than any other Hellenic state, that we sustained the greatest wars against their united or separate powers, and inhabited a city unrivalled by any other in resources or magnitude.

Thuc. 2.64.3

Such, Lacedaemonians and allies, are the grounds and the reasons of our revolt; clear enough to convince our hearers of the fairness of our conduct, and sufficient to alarm ourselves, and to make us turn to some means of safety. This we wished to do long ago, when we sent to you on the subject while the peace yet lasted, but were baulked by your refusing to receive us; and now, upon the Boeotians inviting us, we at once responded to the call, and decided upon a twofold revolt, from the Hellenes and from the Athenians, not to aid the latter in harming the former, but to join in their liberation, and not to allow the Athenians in the end to destroy us, but to act in time against them.

Thuc 3.13.1

Acanthians, the Lacedaemonians have sent out me and my army to make good the reason that we gave for the war when we began it, viz. that we were going to war with the Athenians in order to free Hellas.

Thuc. 4.85.1

And for myself, I have come here not to hurt but to free the Hellenes, witness the solemn oaths by which I have bound my government that the allies that I may bring over shall be independent; and besides my object in coming is not by force or fraud to obtain your alliance, but to offer you mine to help you against your Athenian masters.

Thuc 4.86.1

Endeavour, therefore, to decide wisely, and strive to begin the work of liberation for the Hellenes, and lay up for yourselves endless renown, while you escape private loss, and cover your commonwealth with glory.

Thuc. 4.87.6

Show yourself a brave man, as a Spartan should; and do you, allies, follow him like men, and remember that zeal, honor, and obedience mark the good soldier, and that this day will make you either free men and allies of Lacedaemon, or slaves of Athens; even if you escape without personal loss of liberty or life, your bondage will be on harsher terms than before, and you will also hinder the liberation of the rest of the Hellenes.

Thuc. 5.9.9

They are come to Sicily with the pretext that you know, and the intention which we all suspect, in my opinion less to restore the Leontines to their homes than to oust us from ours; as it is out of all reason that they should restore in Sicily the cities that they lay waste in Hellas, or should cherish the Leontine Chalcidians because of their Ionian blood, and keep in servitude the Euboean Chalcidians, of whom the Leontines are a colony.

[3] No; but the same policy which has proved so successful in Hellas is now being tried in Sicily. After being chosen as the leaders of the Ionians and of the other allies of Athenian origin, to punish the Mede, the Athenians accused some of failure in military service, some of fighting against each other, and others, as the case might be, upon any colourable pretext that could be found, until they thus subdued them all. [4] In fine, in the struggle against the Medes, the Athenians did not fight for the liberty of the Hellenes, or the Hellenes for their own liberty, but the former to make their countrymen serve them instead of him, the latter to change one master for another, wiser indeed than the first, but wiser for evil.

Thuc 6.76.2

But we are not now come to declare to an audience familiar with them the misdeeds of a state so open to accusation as is the Athenian, but much rather to blame ourselves, who, with the warnings we possess in the Hellenes in those parts that have been enslaved through not supporting each other, and seeing the same sophisms being now tried upon ourselves–such as restorations of Leontine kinsfolk and support of Egestaean allies–do not stand together and resolutely show them that here are no Ionians, or Hellespontines, or islanders, who change continually, but always serve a master, sometimes the Mede and sometimes some other, but free Dorians from independent Peloponnese, dwelling in Sicily.

Thuc. 6.77.1

Or, are we waiting until we be taken in detail, one city after another; knowing as we do that in no other way can we be conquered, and seeing that they turn to this plan.

Thuc. 6.77.2

Consider, therefore; and now make your choice between the security which present servitude offers and the prospect of conquering with us and so escaping disgraceful submission to an Athenian master and avoiding the lasting enmity of Syracuse.’

Thuc. 6.80.5

The best proof of this the speaker himself furnished, when he called the Ionians eternal enemies of the Dorians. It is the fact; and the Peloponnesian Dorians being our superiors in numbers and next neighbours, we Ionians looked out for the best means of escaping their domination.

Thuc. 6.82.2

Their ambition is to rule you, their object to use the suspicions that we excite to unite you, and then, when we have gone away without effecting anything, by force or through your isolation, to become the masters of Sicily. And masters they must become, if you unite with them; as a force of that magnitude would be no longer easy for us to deal with united, and they would be more than a match for you as soon as we were away.

Thuc. 6.85.1

We assert that we are rulers in Hellas in order not to be subjects;

Thuc. 6.87.2


Carthagenian testimonies about ancient Macedonian ethnicity


In the presence of Zeus, Hera, and Apollo: in the presence of the Genius of Carthage, of Heracles, and Iolaus: in the presence of Ares, Triton, and Poseidon: in the presence of the gods who battle for us and the Sun, Moon, and Earth; in the presence of Rivers, Lakes, and Waters: 3 in the presence of all the gods who possess Macedonia and the REST of Greece: in the presence of all the gods of the army who preside over this oath. 4 Thus saith Hannibal the general, and all the Carthaginian senators with him, and all Carthaginians serving with him, that as seemeth good to you and to us, so should we bind ourselves by oath to be even as friends, kinsmen, and brothers, on these conditions. 5 (1) That King Philip and the Macedonians and the REST of the Greeks who are their allies shall protect the Carthaginians, the supreme lords, and Hannibal their general, and those with p423him, and all under the dominion of Carthage who live under the same laws; likewise the people of Utica and all cities and peoples that are subject to Carthage, and our soldiers and allies 6 and cities and peoples in Italy, Gaul, and Liguria, with whom we are in alliance or with whomsoever in this country we may hereafter enter into alliance. 7 (2) King Philip and the Macedonians and such of the Greeks as are the allies shall be protected and guarded by the Carthaginians who are serving with us, by the people of Utica and by all cities and peoples that are subject to Carthage, by our allies and soldiers and all peoples and cities in Italy, Gaul, and Liguria, who are our allies, and by such others as may hereafter become our allies in Italy and the adjacent regions. 8 (3) We will enter into no plot against each other, nor lie in ambush for each other, but with all zeal and good fellowship, without deceit or secret design, we will be enemies of such as war against the Carthaginians, always excepting the kings, cities, and ports with which we have sworn treaties of alliance. 9 (4) And we, too, will be the enemies of such as war against King Philip, always excepting the Greeks, cities, and people with which we have sworn treaties of alliance. 10 (5) You will be our allies in the war in which we are engaged with the Romans until the gods vouchsafe the victory to us and to you, and you will give us 11 such help as we have need of or as we agree upon. 12 (6) As soon as the gods have given us the victory in the war against the Romans and their allies, if the Romans ask us to come to p425terms of peace, we will make such a peace as will comprise you too, 12 and on the following conditions: that the Romans may never make war upon you; that the Romans shall no longer be masters of Corcyra, Apollonia, Epidamnus, Pharos, Dimale, Parthini, or Atitania: 14 and that they shall return to Demetrius of Pharos all his friends who are in the dominions of Rome. 15 (7) If ever the Romans make war on you or on us, we will help each other in the war as may be required on either side. 16 (8) In like manner if any others do so, excepting always kings, cities, and peoples with whom we have sworn treaties of alliance. 17 (9) If we decide to withdraw any clauses from this treaty or to add any we will withdraw such clauses or add them as we both may agree

The Histories of Polybius, VII, 9, 4 (Loeb, W. R. Paton)


Ancient sources about ancient Macedonia

Ancient writers about Macedonia - Herodotus

Ancient writers about Macedonia - Thucydides

Ancient writers about Macedonia - Strabo

Ancient writers about Macedonia - Plutarch

Ancient writers about Macedonia - Arrian

Ancient writers about Macedonia - Diodorus Siculus

Ancient writers about Macedonia - Polybius

Ancient writers about Macedonia - Isocrates

Ancient writers about Macedonia - Aeschines

Ancient writers about Macedonia - Callisthenes

Ancient writers about Macedonia - Pausanias

Ancient writers about Macedonia - Josephus

Ancient writers about Macedonia - Athenaeus Deipnosophistes

Ancient writers about Macedonia - Dionysius Halicarnasus

Ancient writers about Macedonia - Cosmas Indicopleustes

Ancient writers about Macedonia - Quintus Curtius Rufus

Ancient writers about Macedonia - Titus Livius

Ancient writers about Macedonia - Justin

Ancient writers about Macedonia - Eusebius of Caesarea

Ancient writers about Macedonia - Hippolytus of Rome

ancient sources eusebius caesarea macedonians alexander greeks language justin thucydides herodotus indicopleustes quintus curtius rufus titus livius dionysius josephus pausanias callisthenes polybius diodorus siculus aeschines arrian plutarch strabo


Babylonian testimonies about ancient Macedonian ethnicity


According to classical sources, Antiochus IV invaded egypt twice, once in 169 BC and again in the spring of 168 BC. As the Babylonian diaries records, Antiochus and his men, in order to celebrate his victories made “a pompe and activities according to…their Greek customs”

Diary No -168. A14-15: ITU.BI al-te-e um-[ma] An LUGAL ina URU.MES sa KUR Me-luhha sal-ta-nis GIN.GIN IT[U.BI] LU.pu-li-te-e pu-up-pe-e u ep-se-e-tu sa GIM u-sur-tu :U. la-a-man-nu

The translation…

“…In that mont i heard that king Antiochus went victoriously into the cities of Egypt (lit. Ethiopia). In [that] month the citizens [made] a pompe and activities/rituals according to greek custom…”

HELLINON NET. ……………..2010 .

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